Kosova, as an independent state

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DEDer Kosova als selbständiger Staat? – Gründe dafür und dagegen – von Zef Ahmeti

Zef Ahmeti

Reasons for it and against it

Introduction

Zef Ahmeti

Kosova is called in many studies as the “Gordian knot”. The events in the years 1998/99 written by many authors have been compelled over the topic of Kosova.

With the decay of the Eastern Bloc, which was the fall of the communist system and the accompanying end of the “cold war”, the “happy end of history” was still not reached for a long time. After this turn (1990) into Europe was performed, there were intensified the integration of politics, while on the Balkans (South-east Europe) the State of Yugoslavia began to disintegrate. The consequence was integration on the side and disintegration on the other side.

On international-law level, the Kosova war provoked many questions. It concerned the principles “ius cogens” of international law: the sovereignty of a State, the human rights, the prohibition of the genocide, the violation of the humanitarian international law.

In order to understand the decay of Yugoslavia, one must proceed from the history of Kosova. The Kosova question was not particularly regarded at all, until 1995, taking place in Yugoslav conferences. The force-free resistance politics of the moderate Albanian leader Rugova ended with the radicalization of the situation and the need of NATO intervention become actual. Kosova is today under supervision of the United Nations. The final status of Kosova is still unsettled. The Kosovaren wants an independent state. The reasons, which speak for and against independence of Kosova, are discussed in this work.

I. The national historical consciousness
The historical background

Both sides, Albanians and Serbs, try to prove the requirement on the Kosova due to their history. After an Albanian view the Albanians are descendants of the Illyrer. [1] the tribes of Dardans [2] (Kosovars) were the trunk of the Illyrians – the Dardans, whose descendant is the today’s Albanians.

In the Serbian historical consciousness, Kosova is connected with two battles in the years 1389 and 1448.[3] the battles occurred between Serbs and the ottoman realm on the blackbird field (Fushë-Kosovë). With these lost battles, the Serbian rule at that time went to an end and the region came under the ottoman rule during five centuries.[4]. On 12 century, the Serbs came under the dynasty of the Nemajiden – a Serbian kingdom and would install the Serbian Orthodox Church. As the first king, began Stephan II. His brother Sava (monk) became first Serbian archbishop of the independent Serbian National Church.[5] From their points of view, Kosova was “the church center of the Serbian realm” and/or “the cradle of Serbia”

The Albanian science and history supplies other argumentations and facts. In the battle on the blackbird field fought not only the Serbs, but all Christians of the Balkans, so also the Albanians. It denies the statement of the Serbs that the churches are Serbian in Kosova. The Cleric scientists of the Albanians in Kosova rely on archaeological and historical sources and have another point of view. The Serbian churches were the churches of the Illyrians – Albanians. They are estimated by Serbs as Serbian cultural property.[6] Many statements of the Serbs become acquired from the British historian, Noel Malcolm, in his book “Kosova”.[7]

Gjergj Kastrioti: Founder of the Albanian nation?

Gjergj Kastrioti, born in the year 1404, mobilized on middle of 15 cent. nearly all Albanian trunks in the region, so that these participate in the war against the ottoman realm.

“George Catriota (Skanderbeg), is the Albanian national hero (…) seems hardly to believe that, a man, who had never more than some thousands, not even war-experienced men under his instructions by a number often the ten and twenty fold superior could resist victoriously24 years against Turkish armies. Europe trembles completely with the inexorable victory run of the Ottoman Califon, and in a remote ground connection angle smash all efforts otherwise of the undefeatable at the iron will of a man, who makes with a view his soldier heroes. The outstanding strategic gift Skanderbeg, his famous eloquence, the whole charm, which proceeded from its personality, place it with dignity against the side of the meaningful heroes of all times.”[8]

The resistance of the Albanians took 24 years. After the death (1468) of Gjergj Kastrioti the Albanians lost the rule over own areas. Many fled to Sicily, Calabria and other countries. Those, which remained in the country, were converted obligatorily to the Islam. The ottoman realm prevailed 500 years over the Albanians. The number of the converted ones rose steadily up to the end 19 century.[9]

For the Albanians Gjergj Katrioti is the founders of a “national consciousness”. One asks the question whether he in 15 cent. was the “Bismarck” of the Albanians.[10] He was not “Bismarck” of the Albanians, however he succeeded at that time to bring all Albanian trunks together (with an exception) under a roof and to lead against the Turks into the war.

II. The establishment of national states
Serbian and Albanian efforts

When the end of their rule was approaching for the Turks on the Balkans, the Albanians and Serbs began themselves with the goal to organize of establishing own national states. The center mobilizing idea with the Serbs was the “revenge for Kosova”. The national ideology justified thereby that the areas “lost in battleground” on 12 and 15 century should recovered in the same way.[11 ] The project of the Serbs concerning the area “Old Serbia”[12 ] stood in contrary to the interests of the Albanians. In 1878 took place likewise the political mobilization of the Albanians with emergence of the league of Prizren, which had the goal to combine all Albanian settled territories [13 ] on the Balkans. The Albanian people fought to neighbor states against the separation of Albanian settlement areas and against their connection at Serbia, Montenegro and Greece.[14]

On 28 November 1912, in the city of Vlorë (Albania) was proclaimed an independent Albanian State [15] and also generally recognized soon thereafter. It was a trunk Albania, and the ethnical criteria did not play the most important role with the fixing of the boundaries at the conference of Ambassadors in London 1912/13. The interests of the great powers at that time were crucial. The Albanian state covered only about half of the regions on the Balkan.[16], settled by the Albanians ] more than 50% of the Albanian population remaining outside of the borders of the new National States.[17] Kosova became part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia by force. This was not accepted by the Albanians as their state, but regarded to it as colonial state. The procedure of the Serbs against the Albanian people in Kosova in the year 1912-1915 was brutal. At that time 22 100 Albanians disappeared, 6 000 houses were set in flames, it gave permanent investigations and persecution.[18] Progrome stood on the program, massive resettlements into Turkey at that time were realized – as a precaution the majority Muslim Albanians in the literature and press of that time were named as “Turks”.[19]

III. Conditions after the Second World War
During the Second World War the Albanians tried to split off the kingdom of Yugoslavia, but they were however unsuccessful. At the end of the war (1945) there was a massacre at 5.000 Albanian.[20 ] On 10 July 1945 took place under Serbian military administration the so-called “meeting of Prizren”. The 142 participants (78 Serbs and Montenegrins and 33 Albanians) decided the combination of Kosova “under military, police and psychological pressure” of Serbia. The Albanians, who rejected this step in the meeting, had to pay later with their life or ended into Serbian prisons.[21]

By the communist constitution of Yugoslavia from 1946 (art. 2 and 106) and from the constitution of Serbia of 1947, Kosova and Metohija[22] received a territorial autonomy. Thus Kosova got the status of an Autonomy.[23] After 1966, resulted the fall of the secret service boss Alexander Rankovic, [24] it came in the consequence of the general political events in the year 1968 also in the Kosova in demonstrations. The goal was constitutional, Kosova wanted an equal status of a 7th Republic in Yugoslavia.[25]

Kosova and the constitution of 1974

After efforts and condition amending for many years in the years 1968, 1969 and 1971, Kosova became by the Federal Constitution of 1974, as constitutional element of the Yugoslav federation.[26] On a federal level, it had thus the same status and the same rights as the republics. Kosova had its existence, its borders, and its organs guaranteed by the Federal Constitution of Yugoslavia. Kosova could directly carry out the Federals law in the provinces from own organs without “interpose” and instruction power of the Republic of Serbia and with constitutional amendments even an absolute right to exercise a veto.[27] What was missing for Kosova, was the designation as a “state” in the Constitution.[28]

IV. The decay of Yugoslavia and the abolition of the autonomy of Kosova 1988-1990
After the decay of communism, the nationalism in Yugoslavia became the instrument of the fight for power.[29 ] The decay led to a still more minted fragmentation [30 ] of the Albanian people.[31 ]

Abolition of the autonomy

Middle of the eighties dipped the stream of “Serbian question” up, which had a recentralization as a goal. In a memorandum of the Serbian academy from the year 1986, the Serbs maintained a discrimination of Serbia within the Yugoslav federation. One of the discrimination reasons was the arrangement of Kosova with a territorial autonomy after the Federal Constitution of 1974. The Serbs regarded the constitution of 1974 as an attenuation of the Serbian position and therefore as injustice. With the ascent of Slobodan Milosevic began the re-establishment of the “integrity” of Serbia, i.e. the “regaining” of the complete rule over the Kosova.

To restore this “integrity”, the goal was of the Federal Constitution novella of 1988. So the change in the relationship republic to the autonomous provinces in the Serbian constitution, for which the agreement of the parliaments of the provinces was necessary, it could be implemented only after solid pressure against the selected representatives of the provinces, Kosova and Vojvodina. This constitutional amendment was rejected by the Kosova Albanians and it gave demonstrations in Kosova. Additionally after proclaiming the state of emergency mass arrests were led. Representatives of Kosova were forced to the resignation and replaced by politicians, faithful to the Milosevic.[32 ] Borisav Jovic, former president of the Serbian parliament said in the media: “What Serbia won with war, it has lost in peace.”[33]

Republic of Kosova

After the autonomy was waived by obligation, 114 Albanian delegates of the parliament called on in addition the independence of Kosova on 2 July 1990, in a “bill of rights”, as equal unit within the Yugoslav federation with the same constitutional to insure the status as the other republics.[34] Than, in counter reaction Serbia dissolved on 13 July the parliament of the Kosova, set the government off and furnished a special administration. On these bases, a kind occupational politics was undertaken.[35] On 7 September, it was proclaimed by Albanian delegates of the dissolved parliament by Serbia, the independence and the constitution of Kaçanik was released.[36 ] The Albanians develops an underground state with own institutions again. In May 1990 took place the parliamentary elections. The today’s president of Kosova, was elected at that time also as a president of the Republic of Kosova.[37] The government of the Republic of Kosova fled abroad (Germany) and led there its work further.[38]

Serbia never gives up the oath “the heart of Serbia”. The Albanians were called again and again of Serbia as minority. The Serbian line of argumentation read that “the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia are defined in accordance with their constitutions as state of equal citizens”.[39] In your opinion was guaranteed the minority rights. In the eyes of the Serbian leadership, the Albanian political leadership was “manipulated”, which boycotted the Serbian political system by the “illegal” referendum. Behind this argumentation stood not only the regime of Milosevic, but all political forces in Serbia. “Kosova and Metohija were a substantial part of the Republic of Serbia and it would remain always like this. Furthermore, it is the cradle of the Serbian state, one of the oldest states of Europe, and the origin of the Serbian culture and the Serbian Orthodoxy.”[40]

V. Escalation of the situation and NATO intervention
After efforts for many years of the Kosovar leadership, to solve the Kosova question with peaceful means, and the missing treatment in the Dayton – agreement (1995), [41] one year emerged later the release of the Liberation Army of Kosova (UÇK). In the year 1998 the situation in Kosova escalated. The Serbian police, army and the Paramilitary forces began to remove the whole people by mass murder from their homeland.

After the failure of the endeavor [42] around a political solution, the question remained, to stopping those continuous systematic murders and the ethnical driving out. After NATO threatened in the autumn of the year 1998 with air raids, the UN Security Council had already for seizure of coercive measures in accordance with Chap. VII of the security council of the united nations by a predictable veto of Russia and Chinas[43 ] however was blocked. Although, in the resolution of 1203 v. 24. 10. already in 1998, a threat of the international peace determined, were in the middle of March 1999 only one question was open: NATO will notice its threats or will withdraw, in order to win time for new mediation efforts, while however the time for the victims in the Kosova had for long run off. On 24 March begun [44] the air raids of the NATO.[45]

This intervention released a national like also internationally controversy debate. One can differentiate between two groups: those, which were against these raids, [46] and those, which held the opinion, the air raids were illegally, however nevertheless legitimate and the principle of the humanitarian Intervention[47] after all was established. [48]

Kosova under the protectorate of the United Nations

After the suggested model of solution [49] Kosova came under the resolution 1244 of the SC of UN, in fact a protectorate of the UNO.[50 ] A coalition between KFOR-Mission[51 ] and civilian UNMIK-Mission[52 ] the UN took – together with OSBE[53 ] and the EU[54 ] the responsibility for the reconstruction Kosova. The resolution 1244 [55 ] consider a civilian implementation and civilian structures.[56 ] More than 5200 policemen of the Kosova policy service were trained (SHPK).[57] One of the largest problems of the civilian implementation of the resolution 1244 was the structure of the Justice.[58 ] UÇK with the explanation from 21 June 1999 was demilitarized. An multi-ethnical Kosova Protecting Corpse (TMK) was developed by the agreement with UNMIK and KFOR.

With the completion of the first phase in resolution the 1244, the UN administration announced for Kosova the parliamentary elections was intended on 17 November 2001.

The framework of the Constitution of Kosova for a temporary self-governing [59]

For the parliamentary elections in Kosova one needed to define again a legal framework around the authority of the selected government.[60 ] This Basic Law had to be written in the context of the resolution 1244 the SC[61] and was not allowed to overstep the resolution. [62] Details of this made difficulty the work of the experts, because a Basic Law should be written, that contents the form (preamble, organs, basic principles, human rights, minority rights) of a constitution, but it should not be called a constitution. [63]

After this Basic Law, Kosova is a parliamentary democracy. The popular vote to embody, demanded by the Albanians into the constitution act (in many democratic countries a natural element of the direct democracy), was rejected by the UNMIK.

The parliament of Kosova has 120 seats. Of it 100 mandates in the elections were determined according to the Proportional system, 10 seats are reserved for Kosova Serbs and as well as additional mandates, which can be win by the elections, and ten for other groups of peoples.

With the training of the UNO administration step for step hands more authority the Kosovar institutions.[64] Kosova Protecting Corpse [65] is according to the new Basic Law an organization of the civilian disaster relief. The UN manager of the Kosova has disband a large power of the right of the parliament.[66]

VI. The status of Kosova is still uncertain
The war against the terrorism and the problem on Iraq have delayed the Kosova question, however this problem is yet not resolved.[67]

The president of Kosova, Dr. Ibrahim Rugova constantly requires that independence of Kosova should be recognized thereby the situation into this part of Europe and the world will calm down. “We are in fact independent” means the president Rugova, “however we expect and require of the USA and the European Union also an officially recognition.”[68]

On the other side prominent Serbian and Yugoslav political forces stress permanently that Kosova must remain a part of Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav president Vojislav Kostunica means that there may not be debates over the return Kosova to Serbia and Yugoslavia. The Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic said in an interview: “we know that 100 per cent of the Albanians see no common political future with us. If we argue about it, we would argue 100 years.” After Djindjic, an independence of Kosova in the Balkans region would create more problems than resolve.”[69] The director of the center for strategic studies in Washington, Janush Bugajski, maintains exactly the opposite of the same as the Albanian leadership. He believes, Kosova fulfills the conditions (for independence) and that could contribute even for the solution of many problems in Belgrade. “Finally I have the opinion, that Kosova should be in the United Nations and not UN in Kosova.”[70]

The policy of Serbia opposite Kosova, also after the change of power in Belgrade and the distribution after Milosevic the Hague, it has not changed substantially. The Albanian leadership holds the opinion that the democratic government of Serbia and the president of “Yugoslavia” Kostunica, has the political logic of Milosevic.[71]

VII. The union of Serbia and Montenegro
The Montenegrin former president, Milo Djukanovic, wanted the splitting off of the small state Montenegro from Yugoslavia. Javier Solana the representative with regard to foreign policy of the European Union, succeeded after many efforts, to move Djukanovic at the renouncement of an independence referendum planned by Montenegro.[72] A referendum for independence would have given a majority in Montenegro the right to express themselves for a separation from Serbia, and would give no more Yugoslavia. Kosova would be then “de jure” part of an not existing State.[73]

With the agreement between Montenegro and Belgrade from 14 March 2002 the name “Yugoslavia” was declared for dead. The new “construction” is to be called in the future the “Union of Serbia and Montenegro”. One evaluated the present agreement as a “legalization” of the worsened relations between Belgrade and Montenegro.[74] In accordance with the present agreement ensured a Constitutional Commission, arranged from members of parliaments of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro to sketch a new constitution. At expiration of the term of three years the member states have the right in the union together to find itself further or to separate itself as independent states.[75]

Belgrade manipulates the Kosova Serbs for the political interests of Serbia and tries so to break the democratization of the Kosova. In Kosova many Serbs believe that the Serbian army and police power will transfer to Kosova again. Serbia tries to provoke the UNMIK administration and the Albanian leadership with different methods in Kosova. One of the newest provocations is the preamble of the constitution of the union of Serbia and Montenegro. The Constitutional Commission from members of the Serbian and Montenegrin parliament in the preamble of the constitution of the new union defined Kosova as part of Serbia.[76 ] For this tendency of Serbia, the club chief of the democratic league of Kosova, Sabri Hamiti, considered this as the government in Belgrade had an “aggression against the Kosova”.[77]

VIII. Kosova as independent state? Reasons for it and against it
a) Reasons against the independence of Kosova

Against the right of self-determination of the Kosovars (and become) by Serbian side the essentially following arguments were called: [78]

1) The fact that Kosova was already in the Middle Ages – before Ottoman conquest – a component of a Serbian state. (historical right)
2) The Albanians penetrated in Kosova only since the end of 17 Century, and the old Serbian residents population were displaced step by step. (Ancient right)
3) Kosova was since 1913 a component of the Serbian (then Yugoslav) state. (Sovereignty right)

Their opinion about Kosova as part of Serbia, is because:

  • in the year 1335 in Prizren (Kosova) took place the coronation/culmination of Stefan (Dušan) as “Zar of the Serbs” and Prizren as Serbian capital functioned,
  • in 14th cent., in old Serbia (Kosova) was congregated the Serbian archbishop, the brother of Stefan, Sava (monk) to the Patriarch with seat in Peja (Pec). Sava was founder of the independent Serbian orthodox national church, so Kosova is the center of the Serbian Orthodoxy,
  • it occurred two important battles of Serbs led against the ottoman realm in the years 1389 and 1448, in Kosova (Kosova Polje). After the second battle (1448), Kosova became for four centuries part of the ottoman realm,
  • due to the facts, Serbia and the Serbs in the year 1913, (named above), have “released” Kosova. Kosova was the church center of the Serbian realm, the cradle of the Serbia, Serbian Jerusalem,
  • this historical consciousness in the process of 19th cent. became the ideological core of the Serbian identity.The line of argumentation of the Serbian leadership before the Kosova war (1998)[79] was as following:
  • the status of the autonomous province Kosova was agreed upon with the highest standards of international law.
  • in accordance with the constitution the Republic of Serbia it gave Kosova both the cultural and territorial autonomy.
  • the minority rights of the Albanians in Kosova stood for that of international law and all rights of the national minorities, which were embodied in international-law documents in conformity with all standards.
  • the Albanian minority in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was politically manipulated.
  • the Albanian nationalists in the Kosova abused the international-law regulations.
  • the national Albanian minority enjoyed it in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Republic of Serbia assured territorial and cultural autonomy.
  • by their choice boycott the federation – republic and municipal lection, since 1990 had excluded from the democratic decision-making process. On the other side, they tried to present themself on international level as victims, to which the democratic rights in the country were refused.
  • the referendum held by the Albanian separatists in the year 1991 was illegal.
  • the behavior of the Albanian separatists placed therefore an offence of the regulation 37 of the final act of the second KSZE of meeting of Copenhagen 1990 and the exp. 9 of the preamble, art. 20 and 21 of the outline agreement of the Council of Europe to the protection of the national minorities,
  • the Albanian side prevented an implementation of the regulations of the UN convention against discrimination in the training system and the determination of the art. 2 of the international-law pact over the economic, social and cultural rights; in particular by the creation of an own parallel system, which represents a apartheid system opposite the Serbian and Montenegrin subpopulation and also in relation to other minorities.
  • the boycott in the education system by separatist forces, which abused children and young person, would offend against art. 10 of the UN convention of 1959 over the rights of the children and the regulations of the art. 12,13 and 15 of the convention of 1989 over the rights of the child.Line of argumentation after the Kosova war, “the war crime” of the USA and NATO against the people of Yugoslavian [80]:The governments, organizations and persons accused of:
    • crime against the peace,
    • war crime,
    • crime against mankind and other injuries of the principles of the tribunal of Nürnberg,
    • that Hague agreements,
    • that Geneva agreements and other standards of international law and national laws,
    • because of heavy injuries of the Charter of the United Nations,
    • of the NATO contract and other international contracts,
    • of international law, the Federal Constitution and the laws of the USA,
    • that Basic Law of other countries including the united kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, Turkey, the Netherlands, Hungary, Italy, Spain and other governments of NATO member states and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
    • because of heavy injuries of the general declaration of the human rights,
    • of the international pact over civil and political rights,
    • of the international pact over economic, social and cultural rights,
    • of the convention over preventing and punishment of the genocide and other international contracts.
  • the resolution 1244 of the security council of the united nations secures the territorial integrity of Serbia and Yugoslavia.
  • Kosova is part of Serbia and Yugoslavia.b) Reasons for the independence of KosovaThe Albanian side brings argumentations in three ranges: historically, legally, and politically:
  • the Albanians are descendants of the Illyrians. Kosova is the ancient homeland of the Albanians.
  • fact is that the ancestors of the Albanians are far longer in the Balkans area resident than the Slavic, that penetrated (emigrated) since outgoing the 6th cent. into the Illyricum (at the Balkans).
  • the Serbs were neither the first inhabitants of the region nor were them the latter.
  • history of Kosova does not begin with the medieval Serbian state and it ends not with its fall.
  • the Serbian churches were the churches of the Illyrian Albanians. They were acquired of the Serbs as Serbian cultural property.
  • as the end of Turks on the Balkans their management was approaching, began the Albanians the political mobilization of the Albanians in the year 1878 with emergence of the league of Prizren, which had as a goal the combination of all Albanian settled territories.
  • against all proclamations of the right of self-determination of the peoples, Kosova was occupied in the year 1912 by Serbian and Montenegrin troops.
  • Kosova becomes part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia between 1913 and 1941 and thus Albanians did not accepted it as their state, but as colonial state. Progrome stood on the program, in great quantities for resettlements into Turkey realized – as a precaution by the majority Muslim Albanians and in the literature and the press of that time, the Albanians as “Turks” were called.
  • already at the beginning of 19th cent. as Kosova was awarded Yugoslavia, began the Serbs to make Sebian the Kosova. The procedure of the Serbs in Kosova against the Albanian people in the year 1912-1915 was brutal.
  • during the Second World War, there were attempts from the Albanians to split themself off from the kingdom of Yugoslavia. They were however unsuccessful. Here the conference of Bujan (31.12.1943 -2.1.1944) is to be mentioned, where the combination of Kosova with Albania was decided. The participants were killed.
  • Kosova was placed to the war right after under Yugoslav administration, which murdered in 1945 within half yearly 5,000 Kosovars.
  • in the autumn 1945 the mass murder ended. The Kosovars were pursued by constant police actions, interrogation, tortures, and legal proceedings against “nationalists” and “separatists” and other “enemies”.
  • by the constitution of the communist Yugoslavia from the 1946 (art. 2 and 106) and by the constitution of Serbia from the 1947, Kosova had a territorial autonomy.
  • after efforts and condition amending for many years in the years 1968, 1969, 1971, Kosova was represented by the Federal Constitution of 1974 as constitutive element of the federation.
  • on federal level it had the same status and the same rights as the republics. Kosova had its existence, sine borders, and its organs, which were guaranteed by the Federal Constitution of Yugoslavia and could not be amended without agreement of the organs from Kosova.
  • what was missing for Kosova, was the designation as “state” in the constitution.
  • with the ascent of Slobodan Milosevic began the re-establishment of the “integrity” of Serbia, i.e. the “regaining” of the complete rule over the Kosova.
  • the Federal Constitution novella from the 1988 was unconstitutional. The change in the relationship was simply made for republics and autonomous provinces in the Serbian constitution, for which the agreement of the parliaments of the provinces was necessary.
  • this was rejected by the Kosova Albanians. Representatives of Kosova were forced to the resignation and replaced by Milosevic’ faithful politicians.
  • on 2 July 1990 in a bill of rights, the independence of Kosova was proclaimed as a equal unit within the Yugoslav federation with the same constitutional status as the other republics.
  • on 7 September 1991 by Albanian delegates independence was proclaimed again and the condition was adopted on Kaçanik.
  • the president and the government of the Republic of Kosova were selected, the national parallel structures were developed.
  • Serbia began repression measures against the Kosovars with mass redundancies, the new occupation of 5 000 leading positions in politics and economics with Serbs and Montenegrins, with systematic torture and murder.
  • defiance of brutal repression measures of the Milosevic regime succeeded to practice it to the Albanians in connection with the structure of national parallel structures in a long time (10 years) a policy of the forceless reconditions.
  • practiced 1998-99 Serbian Paramilitary forces, police and arm a Genocide at the Albanians, it began with mass murders, mass driving, torture, massacre, and offences against:
    • the general declaration of the human rights
    • international one of pact over civil and political rights
    • international one of pact over economic, social and cultural rights
    • convention over preventing and punishment of the genocide and other international contracts
  • in a reaction to the multiplicity of the crimes, which were committed by Serbian and Yugoslav units, the international punishing tribunal issued warrants of arrest against Milosevic and other high-ranking Serbian and Yugoslav responsible person were sent into the Hague.
  • in the resolution 1244 of the security council, Kosova is called part of Yugoslavia and not as part of Serbia.
  • the political system of Yugoslavia already is not functioning any longer. Yugoslavia is dead. Yugoslavia is only fiction.
  • Kosova is in fact an independent country, one waits only for the international acknowledgment by the commonwealth of nations.
    IX. The European perspective
    After that European Union contract all European States of the right of members of the European Union have to become, if them the conditions of the art. 6 of the EUC, the principles of the liberty, the democracy, to which attention of the human rights and basic liberties as well as the nationality right fulfill.After EU extension to the East with in each case five countries Slovenia, Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Eastland and Cyprus have the chance to enter the European Union, together with Bulgaria and Romania in the year 2007. Macedonia and Croatia already have an association agreement with the European Union. Only the states of the west Balkans remain. Albania began also with the European Union the negotiations over stabilization and an association agreement.The EU chance is actually for all Balkans states a priority government goal. Into the European Union all States want to be members, also Kosova.In the region however still many challenges are to be existed. The future of “Yugoslavia” or the “Union of Serbia and Montenegro” and the status question of the Kosova are still open.[81] The Kosovars reject their participation in this new constructed categorically. The Balkans countries have thus still very much of work before themselves, in order to fulfill the principles of the art. 6 the EUC, it stand even only at the beginning of the work.By a fast integration in the European Union the groups of peoples from ex Yugoslavia can profit very much. Nevertheless, with the actual separation of Montenegro and with the international protectorate in the Kosova striving for independence nobody believes that after four wars, over 2 000 000 dead ones and million refugees in the region will somewhat fundamentally change. [82] Kosova wants to become an independent state part of the European Union. Therefore one of the challenges for the European Union, in particular under the EU presidency of Greece and Italy, will be the Kosova question and the future of the west Balkans.

    The European Union tries to free the region after the model of the American Methods [83], which contributed to the peace in Western Europe after the Second World War:

    1. Structure of democratic conditions.
    2. Creation of stable economic bases.
    3. Structure of liberal constitutional states and “openly” societies.
    4. Assistance with the change more importantly more economically, more socially and other background conditions.

    X. Independence of the Kosova: The best solution?
    With the settlement of the government, and parliament and the president, the situation in Kosova within all ranges is improved. But the unsettled status question restrains in the meantime the political normalization just like the economic development.[84] A report of the independent UN commission, led from the Swedish prime minister Goran Person, to the Secretary-General UN a “conditioned independence” of Kosova is recommended. To the conditions above all the guarantee of security and the warranty of the human rights for Serbs, Roma and the other minorities belong in the Kosova.[85]

    The international-law status of the Kosova must be clarified according to the estimation of the UNO manager, Michael Steiner, faster than so far planned. He means that the future statute of Kosova is open. It is clear like these will not look: “it excluded the possibility to return to the status before the war of 1999, or to give a division of Kosova. Also a Cantonalisitation (an ethnical allocation in regions with limited self-determination) will not be given.” He does not mean so far, “anybody can say to the current time, what will look the final status”.[86]

    Since the Second World War the Albanians had to live with two further like Milosevic thinking and acting persons. Vaso Cubrilovic after the Second World War, Alexander Rankovic[87 ] in the 60’s. End of the 90’s with Slobodan Milosevic achieved a high point, since over 100 years pursuit and driving of the Albanians begun. Today one asks the question: can the UN, which the USA and the European Union insure the Albanians, that into the future no further Milosevic will come to power, if the Albanians would remain within the Serbian and Montenegrin union?

    In the Kosova conflict it did not only concern the question of the injury of the human rights. Also the right of self-determination of Kosova was violated. This right is constantly denied by Serbia. Also the European Union and UN do heavily with the acknowledgment of this right. Are the Albanians recognized or not. [88]

    The UN-Resolution1244 formally defines Kosova as a component of Yugoslavia, but Belgrade lost the Kosova for ever. The goal without exception all Kosova Albanian parties after the ten-year Serbian repression is an independent Kosova. None believes that time has come for the Kosova question, that the Kosova again would leave for Belgrade to take shelter again [89] “both the European Union and the USA knows that the independence efforts could not be stopped.” [90]

    Despite many successes in the region, Kosova remains further an unresolved problem! In order to resolve this problem, the international community have to respect the right of self-determination of two million Albanians. However, if the United Nations and European Union would decide against their will,Kosova question will further remain unresolved.

    [1]„Der Name des altillyrischen Stammes der Albaner wird in der römischen Kaiserzeit genant, verschwindet aber dann vollständig, um erst im XI. Jahrhundert in den Byzantinischen Quellen wiederum aufzutauchen, und zwar als Bezeichnung für die Bewohner des Berglandes zwischen Skutari, Durazzo, Ochrid und Prizren mit der Burg Kroja im Zentrum.“ Milan v. Šufflau, Die Grenzen Albaniens im Mittelalter, in: Illyrisch-albanische Forschungen, zusammengestellt von Ludwig von THALLÓCKY, Band I, 1916, S. 290.

    [2]Mirdita Zef, Gjasht shekujt e parë të krishtenizmit në trevat iliro-shqiptare [Die ersten sechs Jahrhunderte des Christentums im illyrisch-albanischen Territorium], in: Krishtërimi ndër shqiptarë [Das Christentum bei den Albanern], Simpoziumi ndërkombëtar [Das Internationale Symposium], Die Albanische Bischofkonferenz (Hg.), 16-19. November 1999, Shkodër 2000, S. 36-68. Vgl. Skënder Rizaj, Shqiptarët dhe Serbët në Kosovë [Albaner und Serben in Kosova], in: Zëri, Prishtinë 1991, S. 16-17; J. Drançolli, in: Zëri, 29.7.1994; Isak Ahmeti, Kosova, Prishtinë 1996, S. 19.

    [3]Vgl. Juliane Besters-Dilger, Das Herz Serbiens, in: NZZ FOLIO, Zeitschrift der Neuen Zürcher Zeitung, Juni 1999, Nr. 6, S. 31 ff.

    [4]Dusan T. Batakovic, Die Albanische Liga Kosova und Metochien: Geschichte und Ideologie, in: http://www.bglink.com/bgpersonal/batakovic/geschichte .html. Vgl. Milan Vuckovic, Kosova, die Serben und die Albaner, in: Dialogue, Paris, Nr. 10, Juni 1994, S. 117. Ekkehard Kraft, Der Kosova-Konflikt, in: Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 12. April 1998, in: http://www.nzz.ch/dossiers/Kosova/kos98042ekr.html,. Cyrill Stieger, Kosova – eine Chronologie, Neue Zürcher Zeitung, in: http://www-x.nzz.ch/folio/archiv/1999/o6/cover.html.

    [5] Vgl. Konrad Clewin, Mythen und Fakten zur Ethnostruktur in: Kosova – Ein Geschichtlicher Überblick, in: Der Kosova Konflikt, Ursachen, Verlauf, Perspektiven, Jens Reuter & Konrad Clewin (Hg.), Klagenfurt/Celovec 2000, S. 17 ff. Ekkehard Kraft, Der Kosova-Konflikt, in: Neue Zürcher Zeitung vom 12. April 1998, S. 17-63.

    [6]Jahja Drançolli, Monumentet e kultit Katolik gjatë mesjetës në Kosovë [Die Denkmale des katholischen Kultes im Laufe des Mittelalters], in: Krishtërimi ndër shqiptarë [Das Christentum bei den Albanern], Simpoziumi ndërkombëtar [Das internationale Symposium], S. 146 ff. Vgl. Gaspër Gjini, Ipeshkvia Shkup-Prizren nëpër shekuj [Das Bistum Shkup-Prizren in den Jahrhunderten], Ferizaj 1992; Skënder Rizaj, Kosova gjatë shekujve XV, XVI, XVII [Kosova in den 15. 16. 17. Jh.], Prishtinë 1982; Shan Zefi, Islamizimi i shqiptareve gjate shekujve [Die Islamisierung der Albaner in den Jahrhunderten], Prizren 2000.

    [7]Noel Malcolm, Kosova. A Short History, New York University Press, New York 1998. Vgl. Neuer Zürcher Zeitung, 26. März 1999, in: http:// www.nzz.ch/dossiers/Kosova/kos990326ck.html.

    [8]Aus dem Vorwort des Buches Skanderbeg von Julius Pisko, K. U. K. Vice–KonsulL und Leiter des K.U.K OEST-UNG. General-Konsulates in Janina, 1894. Gjergj Katrioti starb am 17. Januar 1468. Die Päpste huldigten ihm als „unerschrockenen Kämpfer des wahren Glaubens“. „In ganz Europa wurde er zu populär, in Opern, Dramen, auf Bilderzyklen verklärten Gestalt: Skanderbeg, Retter des Abendlandes.“ Mehr darüber in: Miridta Zef, Krishtenizmi ndër Shqiptarë [Das Christentum bei den Albanern], Prizren-Zagreb 1998, S. 166 ff.

    [9]Miridta Zef, Krishtenizmi ndër Shqiptarë [Das Christentum bei den Albanern], S. 201 ff.

    [10]Vgl. Karl-Markus Gaus, Die sterbenden Europäer, Wien 2001, S. 118-119.

    [11]Dusan T. Batakovic, Die Albanische Liga Kosova und Metochien: Geschichte und Ideologie (wie Anm. 4).

    [12]Das ist eine serbische Benennung für Kosova. Man zählte dazu vor allem das Gebiet des Vilajet von Kosova, „der Sitz des Serbischen Patriarchs, die bedeuternsten Klöster serbischer Kaiser und Könige.“

    [13]Vgl. Milan v. Sufflau, Die Grenzen Albaniens im Mittelalter, in: Illyrisch-albanische Forschungen, S. 290 ff.

    [14]Vgl. Franz Münzel, Lässt sich Unabhängigkeit Kosovas völkerrechtlich begründen?, in: Dardania, Zeitschrift für Geschichte, Kultur, Literatur und Politik, Nr. 10/2002, Band 9, Wien 2001, S. 81 ff. Vgl. Th. Janima, Die neueste Phase der italienisch-albanischen Beziehungen, in: Zeitschrift für Politik, Heft 8, November 1932, S. 545 ff. Alfred Rappaport, Der Zweite Tirana-Vertrag und die Unabhängigkeit Albaniens, in: Europäische Gespräche, Hamburger Monatshefte für auswärtige Politik, Februar 1928, Nr. 2, S. 86 ff.

    [15]Vgl. Oskar Lehner, Die Entstehung des Staates Albanien und seine völkerrechtliche Identität im 20. Jahrhundert, in: Dardania, Zeitschrift für Geschichte, Kultur, Literatur und Politik, Nr. 2/3, Wien 1992, S. 101-118.

    [16]Vgl. Th. Janima, Die Neueste Phase der italienisch-albanischen Beziehungen, in: Zeitschrift für Politik, S. 545 ff. Alfred Rappaport, Der Zweite Tirana-Vertrag und die Unabhängigkeit Albaniens, in: Europäische Gespräche, Februar 1928, Nr. 2, S. 86 ff.

    [17]C.Sr. Die Zersplitterte albanische Nation – Unterschiedliche Forderungen in den einzelnen Ländern, in: Neue Züricher Zeitung, Freitag 16. März 2001, Nr. 63, S. 5. Vgl. Petritsch, Kaser, Pichler (Hg.), Kosova/Kosova, Mythen, Daten, Fakten, Wien 1999, S. 73 ff.

    [18]Nikë Gjeloschi, Kosova në udhëkryq `89[Kosova in der Kreuzung `89], Italien 1997, S. 14 ff. Über Ausrottungskrieg der Serben gegen die albanische Nation im Jahr 1912-1913 vgl. Anklageakten gegen die Vernichter des Albanervolkes, gesammelt von Leo Freundlich, Wien 1913, S. 1-16, in: Petritsch, Kaser, Pichler (Hg.), Kosova/Kosova, Mythen, Daten, Fakten.

    [19] Christine von Kohl, Hätte der Kosova-Krieg verhindert werden können? In: Kosova und die Folgen – Friedenspolitik im Zeichen des Kosova-Konfliktes, Franz Leidenmühler/Reiner Steinweg (Hg.), Idstein, Meinfhardt 2000, S. 77 ff.

    [20]Nikë Gjeloschi, Kosova në udhëkryq `89[Kosova in der Kreuzung `89], S. 19.

    [21]Nikë Gjeloschi, Kosova në udhëkryq `89[Kosova in der Kreuzung `89], S. 20.

    [22]Der Name Metohije stammt aus dem Griechischen „metochi“ und bedeutet Kloster oder Kirchengut. Die Benennung Kosova i Metohija verschwindet vom Sprachgebrauch im 70er Jahren um mit Milosevic in 90er Jahren wider aufzutauchen. Diese Benennung präjudiziert Kosova als Serbien, Wiege des Serbentums.

    [23]Joseph Marko, Die staatliche Entwicklung des Kosova/a von 1913-1995, in: Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a: Durchschlagen oder entwirren?, Joseph Marko (Hg.), Baden-Baden 1999, S. 16 ff. Vgl. Sami Repishi, The Evolution of Kosova`s Autonomy Within the Yugoslaw Constitutional Framework, in: Pipa/Repishi (eds.), Studies, 195 ff; Die Verfasung der Föderativen Volksrepublik Jugoslawien, in: Jan F. Triska, Constitutions of the Communist Party-States, Stanford 1968, S. 454 ff.

    [24]Aleksander Rankovic betrieb im Kosova eine brutale Repressionspolitik. Im Jahr 1937 sprach er für die „Vertreibung der Arnauten“ (Arnaut ist die türkische Benennung für Albaner). Vgl. Memorandum von V.Cubrilovic in: Kosova/Kosova, Mythen, Daten, Fakten, Petritsch, Kaser, Pichler (Hg.), S. 114-127. Cubrilovic verlangte eine permanente und kombinierte Vertreibung des albanischen Volkes. Die Albaner, die „einen biologischen Genozid“ an Serben übten, mit alle mögliche Mitteln zu bekämpfen, vgl. Dimitrije Bogdanovic: Knjiga o Kosovu, zitiert in: Balkan Krieg, Hannes Hofbauer (Hg.), Wien 1999, S. 119.

    [25]Joseph Marko, Die staatliche Entwicklung des Kosova/a von 1913-1995, in: Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a, S. 16. „Die Forderung für eine 7. Republik in der jugoslawischen Föderation wurde begründet, einerseits, dass es wesentlich mehr Albaner gebe als Montenegriner, aber auch Mazedonier, anderseits wurde die Faktizität eines Eigenständigen montenegrinischen und mazedonischen Volkes mit dem Argument in Frage gestellt, dass diese „Völker“ mit dem Recht auf eine Republik, das sie erst zur „Nation“ mache, erst nach 1945 ethnisch künstlich geschaffen worden wären.“ Eine zweite Zersplitterung des albanischen Volkes fand innerhalb Ex-Jugoslawiens statt, mit der Entstehung Mazedoniens als Nation und Republik. Mazedonien wurde 1912/13 zwischen Griechenland, Serbien und Bulgarien aufgeteilt. Die slawischen Mazedonier wurden erst von Tito im Sozialistischen Jugoslawien als eine eigene Nation anerkannt. Athen hat zwar den mazedonischen Staat anerkannt, allerdings nicht unter dem Namen Republik Mazedonien. Auch Bulgarien tut sich mit der Anerkennung der mazedonischen Nation sehr schwer. „Sofia betrachtete diese lange Zeit als ein künstliches, von Tito aus politischem Kalkül geschaffenes Produkt.“

    [26]Nikë Gjeloschi, Kosova në udhëkryq `89[Kosova in der Kreuzung `89], S. 26­-28. Vgl. Wolgang Hoepken, Der Kosova-Konflikt: Historische Wurzelnmund, Perspektiven, in: http://www.uni-weimar.de; Viktor Meier, Jugoslawiens Erben, München 2001, S. 82.

    [27]Joseph Marko, Die staatliche Entwicklung des Kosova/a von 1913-1995, in: Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a, J. Marko (Hg.) S. 20 ff. Vgl. James Pettifer, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in Kosova von 1945 bis heute, in: Der Kosova Konflikt (wie Anm. 5) S. 84 ff.

    [28]Viktor Meier, Jugoslawiens Erben, S. 99.

    [29]He. Virus Nationalismus, in: Neue Züicher Zeitung, internationale Ausgabe, Samstag/Sonntag, 13./14. Oktober 2001, Nr. 238, S. 55.

    [30]Vgl. Anm. 25.

    [31]Vgl. Viktor Meier, Vor 10 Jahren zerfiel Jugoslawien, in: Europäische Rundschau, Vierteljahreszeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft und Zeitgeschichte, Nr. 3/2000, S. 97-106. Vgl. Christian Schmidt Höuer, Willkommen Serbien, in: Die Zeit, Nr. 42, 12. Oktober 2000.

    [32]Am 26 Juni 1990 vom serbischen Parlament wurde ein „Gesetz über das Verfahren der Republikorgane bei außerordentlichen Umständen“ und dessen Anwendung auf Kosova beschlossen, obwohl ein solcher „Zustand“ verfassungsrechtlich keinerlei Deckung fand. J. Marko (Hg.) Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a, S. 20-21. Vgl. Viktor Meier, Jugoslawiens Erben, S. 83 ff; Jens Reuters, Serbien und Kosova – Das Ende eines Mythos, in: Der Kosova Konflikt, Jens Reuter/ Konrad Clewing (Hg.), S. 150 ff.

    [33]Nikë Gjeloschi, Kosova në udhëkryq `89[Kosova im Kreuzweg `89], S. 56.

    [34]Vgl. Arsim Bajrami, E drejta e Kosovës në Transitcion – E Drejta Kushtetuese – Libri II [The Kosova Law in Transition], Universität Prishtina, Prishtina 2002, S. 66 ff.

    [35]J. Marko (Hg.) Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a, S. 22. Vgl. Violeta Demaj, Vorgeschichte eines Krieges, in: Juridicum 1999, S. 50 ff.

    [36]Elmar F. Pichl, Kosova im jugoslawischen Verfassungssystem: 1974 bis 1998, in: J. Marko (Hg.) Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a, S. 84-85.

    [37]Cyrill Stieger, Kosova – Eine Chronologie, in: NZZ FOLIO, Zeitschrift der Neuen Zürcher Zeitung, Juni 1999, Nr. 6, S. 24 ff.

    [38]Die kosovarische Exilregierung durch freiwillige Steuerzahlung, vor allem durch die Auslandskosovaren, die 3% ihrer Einkünfte abführen, wurde die Ausbildung, Gesundheitswesen, Internationalisierung der albanischen Frage, damit finanziert.

    [39]Sabina Dujak, Politische und Rechtliche Argumentationslinie der serbischen/jugoslawischen Führung, in: J. Marko (Hg.) Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a, S. 50 ff.

    [40]Ebd. S. 51.

    [41]Vgl. Andreas Oplatka, Hat der Westen Versagt, in: NZZ FOLIO, Zeitschrift der Neuen Zürcher Zeitung, Juni 1999, Nr. 6, S. 47 ff; Wofgang Petrisch, Bosnien und Herzegowina 5 Jahre nach Dayton, in: Europäische Rundschau, 28. Jahrgang, Nr. 3/2000, S. 4 ff.

    [42]Über die Details der Ereignissen um Ramboulliet-Abkommen siehe: Kosova 1997 bis 1999, die Internationale Gemeinschaft und die Krise im Kosova, in: Kosova/Kosova, Mythen, Daten, Fakten, S. 209-355. Vergleiche auch: Interim Agreement for Pease and Self-Government in Kosova (Ramboulliet, 13 February 1999), ab S. 364.

    [43]Russland und China waren gar nicht so glücklich mit der NATO Intervention in Serbien. Wie die Vorgeschichte beweisen lässt, hatte Serbien immer gute Beziehungen zu Russland und China. Russland versuchte auf internationaler Ebene den Verbündeten auf den Balkan, Serbien, aus einem Militäranschlag zu retten. Hier ist zu erwähnen, dass die russische Balkanpolitik versagt hat. “Man hat nichts getan um einen Konflikt im Kosova zu verhindern. Russland zeigte sich gegenüber den Leiden der Kosovaalbaner indifferent und war auch nicht im Stande zumindest das serbische Vorgehen in Kosova zu kritisieren. Und so heute stehen die NATO Truppen in Kosova.“ Der innerhalb des Russischen Establishments und in der Öffentlichkeit herrschende Ärger wegen der militärischen Intervention der NATO diese Lage wurde von den russischen Behörden dahingehend benützt, „um die Schuld für ihr versagen im Kosova anderen in die Schuhe zu schieben“, siehe: Oleg Levitin, (ehem. Balkanexperte in russischen Außenministerium, u.a. in der russischen Botschaft Tirana u. Belgrad), Moskau und der Kosova, in: Europäische Rundschau, Nr. 2/2000, S. 73 ff. Moskau warf der Nato die Schuld zu auch für die Ereignisse in Mazedonien, und wollte die Krise nutzen Belgrad zu stärken. Sei dem Absturz von S. Milosevic versuchte Russland wieder Einfluss auf den Balkan zu gewinnen. Mehr darüber siehe in: Süddeutsche Zeitung Nr. 66, S. 10.

    [44]Über den Verlauf der Luftangriffe siehe: Rudolf Scharping, Wir dürfen nicht wegsehen, München, 1 Auflage 2001.

    [45]J. Marko, Kosova/a – Ein Gordischer Knoten?, Zusammenfassende Analysen und Politikempfehlungen, in: Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a, S. 231 ff.

    [46]Verstoß gegen Art. 2 Nr. 4 der UN Charta.

    [47]Vgl. Jana Hasser/E. Müller/ Patricia Schneider (Hg.), Humanitäres Völkerrecht, politische, rechtliche und strafrechtliche Dimensionen, Baden-Baden, 1 Auflage 2001. Franz Leidenmühler, Menschenrechtsschutz durch den SR de VN: Work in Progress, von der Kurdenfrage im Irak 1991 bis Osttimor 1999, in: Kosova und die Folgen, Franz Leidenmühler/Reiner Steinweg (Hg.), Idstein, Meinhardt, 2000, S. 97 ff.

    [48]Vgl. Knup Ipsen, Der Kosova-Einsatz – Illegal? Gerechtfertigt? Entschuldbar?, in: Die Friedens – Warte, 1999, Band 74, Heft 1-2. S. 19 ff. Daniel Thürer, Die NATO Einsätze in Kosova und das Völkerrecht – Spannungsfeld zwischen Gewaltverbot und Menschenrechte, Dienstag 29. Juni 1999, in: http://nzz.ch/online/02_dossier/Kosova/kos990403thuerer.htm; Otfried Höffe, Humanitäre Intervention? Rechtsethischen Überlegungen, in: Neue Züricher Zeitung, Mai 1999, Nr. 105.

    [49]Die vorgeschlagene Modelle für die friedliche Lösung des Kosovakonflikts vor dem Krieg: Das Autonomiestatut für Trentino- Südtirol, Katalien und das Baskenland, Tatarstan. Gründung eines albanische Rates nach Vorbild der Großbritanniens und Irlands die nationalen Fragen übernational zu beantworten. Die beiden Nationalstaaten Großbritanniens und Republik Irlands sind die staatlichen Grundorganisationen, die sich in einem Rat vereinigen. Dort erörtern die Iren ihre nationalen Fragen zwischen Nordirland und der Republik. Entscheidungen werden im Konsens aller Beteiligten umgesetzt. Vgl. Horst Grabner, Die Kriegslogik durchbrechen, in: Kosova und die folgen, Franz Leidmüller/R. Steinweg (Hg.), S. 68.

    [50]http://balkans.unep.ch/
    [51]http://www.nato.int/, http://www.kforonline.com/
    [52]UNMIK siehe: http://www.un.org/peace/Kosova/pages/Kosova1.htm
    [53]http://www.osce.org/Kosova/index.php3
    [54]http://europa.eu.int/index_en.htm, http://www.euinKosova.org/.
    [55]Die Resolution 1244 des SR, in: http://www.kosova-info-line.de/php/show.php3?id=397&kat=k&schwer=,
    auf Englisch in: http://www.un.org/Docs/scres/1999/99sc1244.htm
    [56]http://www.iom.int/
    [57]http://www.civpol.org/unmik/

    [58]Man wusste nicht welches Recht gelten soll. UNMIK hat Reglemente erlassen mit Gesetzeskraft. Im Strafrecht rief man die Gesetze des Jahres vor 1974 wieder ins Leben sowie weitere Gesetze, die keine diskriminierten Inhalte hatten(!).

    [59]Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in: http://www.un.org/peace/Kosova/pages/regulations/reg01.09.html,

    auf Albanisch in: http://www.trepca.net/politike/korniza-kushtetuese.htm

    [60]Die Aufgaben der Regierung von Kosova gemäß Kapitel 5 der Verfassungsrahmen für vorübergehende Selbstregierung sind folgende: a.Economic and financial policy; b.Fiscal and budgetary issues; c.Administrative and operational customs activities; d.Domestic and foreign trade, industry and investments; e.Education, science and technology; f.Youth and sport; g.Culture; h.Health; i.Environmental protection; j.Labour and social welfare; k.Family, gender and minors; l.Transport, post, telecommunications and information technologies; m.Public administration services; n.Agriculture, forestry and rural development; o.Statistics; p.Spatial planning; q.Tourism; r.Good governance, human rights and equal opportunity; and s.Non-resident affairs.

    [61]Die Frage der Zukunft des Kosova blieb mit dem Grundgesetz unbeantwortet. Die Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien werde in dem Gesetzeswerk nicht erwähnt.

    [62]Im Jahr 2000 bildete UNO-Sondergesandte Hans Häkerup eine Arbeitsgruppe von Kosovaren und Internationalen Experten (VN, EU, OSZE), die “Verfassungsrahmen für vorübergehende Selbstregierung” zusammenzufassen. Dieser einzigartige Prozess begann am 6. März. 2001, und wurde von Johan van Lemoen geleitet.

    [63]Vgl. Blerim Reka, Një Proces negociatot dhe një Kushtetutë Kalimtare, in: Exsklusive (albanische Zeitung), Mai 2001, S. 36-37.

    [64]Vgl. Bajrami, Arsim, E drejta e Kosovës në tranzicion (The Kosova Law in Transition) Universität Prishtina, Prishtina 2001, S. 89 ff.

    [65]Im Kosova wird sie von albanischer Seite als Keimzelle eigener Armee verstanden.

    [66]Vgl. http://de.news.yahoo.com/010514/71/1llqi.html.

    [67]Aleksander Orsisch, Die Krisen Serbiens sind im Oktober heiß geworden, in: Kleine Zeitung, 28. Oktober 2001, S. 10.

    [68]Kosova Information Center (KIC) Sonntag, 18. 11.2001. Vgl. Aleksander Orssich, Rugovas Sieg bringt Kosova einer Lösung nicht näher, in: Kleine Zeitung, Dienstag 20. 11. 2001, S. 4. Vgl. C.S. Ein Schritt zur Unabhängigkeit Kosovas?, in: Neue Züricher Zeitung, Dienstag, 20. 11.2001, S. 3.

    [69]Djindjic macht künftiger Kosova-Regierung Angebot zur Zusammenarbeit, in: www.derStandard.at, 26.11.200. Vgl. Mahnende Worte Annans auf dem Balkan, in: http://www.nzz.ch/2002/21/al/page-article8J8IA.html. Djindjic warf die Vereinigten Nationen vor ein de facto unabhängiges Kosova schaffen zu wollen. AP, 21.01.2003.

    [70] Zëri i Ditës (albanische Tageszeitung), Dienstag, 19. November 2002, S. 2.

    [71]Vgl. Bajrami, Arsim, E drejta e Kosovës në tranzicion (The Kosova Law in Transition) S. 188. Die Chefklägerin des Hagerkriegsverbrechertribunals für Ex-Jugoslawien verlangt von NATO mehr Engagement bei der Ergreifung von Kriegsverbrechern. Sie hat die Regierung Belgrads beschuldigt die Kriegsverbrechen wie Mladic und Karadzic nicht liefern zu wollen. Vgl. APA/AP von 07.11.2002.

    [72]AP, Djukanovic besteht auf Unabhängigkeitsreferendum Gespräche mit Solana gescheitert, 28. November 200.

    [73]C.Sr., Ein Schritt zur Unabhängigkeit Kosovas, in: NZZ, 20. 11.2002, S. 3.

    [74]Veton Surroi, Fundi i tlenoveles se gjate te quajtur Jugosllavi, Koha ditore (albanische Tageszeitung), 15. März 2002, S. 10.

    [75]Koha Dotore, 15.03.2002.

    [76]Vgl. APA, 07.11.2002.

    [77]Vgl. Koha Ditore, 5. Nov. 2002, S. 5.

    [78]Holm Sundhaussen, Kosova: Ein Konfliktgeschichte, in: Der Kosova Konflikt, Ursachen,. Verlauf, Perspektiven, S. 65.

    [79]Sabina Dujak, Politische und rechtliche Argumentationslinien der serbischen/jugoslawischen Führung, in: Gordischer Knoten Kosova/a, S. 47-55.

    [80]Anklageschrift von Ramsey Clark, in: http://www.uni-kassel.de/fb10/frieden/aktuell/anklage.html.

    [81]Paul Landvai, Serbische Tragödie, in: www.derstandar.at, 15. 01. 2003.

    [82]Ebd.

    [83]Roland Kley, Theorien der internationalen Beziehungen, Skriptum, S. 13. Universität ST. Gallen, 2002.

    [84]Matthias Rüb, Der ungeklärte Status, in Frankfurter Allgemeine, 20. 11. 2001, S. 1.

    [85]Vgl. Kosova Information Center (KIC), 29. 10.2001, in: http://www.kosova.com/cgibin/viewnews.cgi?category=2&id=1004371222

    [86]Uno-Verwalter Steiner: Kosova-Status in wenigen Jahren klären, Reuters 12. Nov. 2002, in: http://www.Kosova-info-line.de/php/show.php3?id=10514&kat=n&schwer=I-4

    [87]Vgl. oben.

    [88]Das Protektorat basiert auf der Resolution 1244 des Sicherheitsrates. Seine Beendigung würde einen neuen UNO-Beschluss voraussetzen, der unter Umständen am Veto eines Ständigen Mitglieds scheitern könnte. Für die Dauer der internationalen Übergangsverwaltung hat die Staatengemeinschaft keinen zeitlichen Rahmen festgelegt.

    [89]Vgl. Ballkani midis Brukselit dhe Washingtonit, Koha Ditore, 15. Nov. 2002. S. 11.

    [90]Der Kosova-Mythos – von Andrej Ivanji in: Der Standard, Print-Ausgabe, 5. 11. 2001.

    Literaturvezeichnis:
    – Ahmeti Isak, Kosova, Prishtinë 1996.
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    – Zefi Shan, Islamizimi i shqiptareve gjate shekujve[Die Islamisierung der Albaner in den Jahrhunderten], Prizren 2000.

    Internet Addresses:
    www.kosova.com
    www.kosovapress.com
    www.koha.net
    www.beta.co.yu
    www.derstandard.at
    www.Kosova.de
    www.un.org/peace/Kosova/
    www.kosova-info-line.de
    www.iom.int
    www.civpol.org/unmik/
    www.nzz.ch

    — Translated from the German original by a computer program;
    — Corrected a little afterwards (due to the lack of time) by Arben Çokaj.

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